Political Science Question

Post ID: 3526753

Overview

Assignment 3: Guidelines, Questionnaire, and Evaluation Rubric

Assignment 3 consists of four parts. You must answer all of them. Before beginning the assignment, read the guidelines carefully and thoroughly. Students are fully responsible for any mistakes and disadvantages resulting from non-attendance or failure to follow the guidelines.

FORMATTING

The font should be Times New Roman, size 12, with 1.15 or 1.5 line spacing. Only PDF files are accepted. Failure to follow these formatting requirements will result in a grade deduction.

CITATION REQUIREMENT

In each part, you must cite the relevant literature from the SYLLABUS. All necessary citation information can be found in the syllabus. Failure to meet the minimum citation requirement, failure to follow the specified citation format, and irrelevant citations will result in a grade deduction.

When you cite course materials,

citing any materials beyond the syllabus is prohibited
citing non-existent sources/pages will be considered ACADEMIC DISHONESTY
incomplete or incorrect citations will be penalized—whether they are accidental or intended
do not cite your personal notes
do not include a separate reference or bibliography section

For citations, put (name of author(s), publication year, page number) at the end of the relevant sentence. For example:

This is a sample sentence (Tilly 1985, p. 00).
This is another sample sentence (Tilly 1985, p. 00; Cha 2010, pp. 00-00).

ACADEMIC DISHONESTY

Do not cite materials beyond the syllabus. (1) Copying and pasting sentences produced by generative AI as they are or (2) citing non-existent sources will be considered academic dishonesty. Such actions will result in failure for the course and will be reported to the Department, the College, the University, and the Center for Student Rights and Responsibilities. Students are responsible for any misuse of generative AI and for all resulting consequences. If necessary, the instructor can require a verbal exam of any student whose work she questions is fully their own.

EVALUATION RUBRIC

Understanding: You should demonstrate your understanding of the questionnaire and course materials. Your arguments and ideas should be organized and presented in a logical flow.

Readability: Your ideas should be delivered in clear sentences and with proper vocabulary. Typos and grammatical errors should be avoided.

Citation and Formatting: You should cite the literature and format your paper in accordance with academic standards and conventions.

PART 1 [5 pts, no more than one page]. Explain the geopolitical conditions (late 19th to 20th centuries) that gave rise to the East Asia developmental state model. You should cite at least three different articles/book chapters in the syllabus.

PART 2 [5 pts, no more than one page]. Explain the domestic/internal structure of the East Asian developmental state model. You should cite at least three different articles/book chapters in the syllabus.

PART 3 [5 pts, no more than one page]. Your friend, who is interested in but has little knowledge of East Asian politics, asks you to explain the East Asian developmental state. Drawing on your answers in Parts 1 and 2, present a single figure or table that (1) outlines the general characteristics of the East Asian developmental state model and (2) compares how it manifested in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan. The figure or table should fit on one page and be clear, well-organized, and informative. You don't need to make any citation in this part.

PART 4 [5 pts, no more than one page]. The following excerpts are from the White House’s National Security StrategLinks to an external site., published in November 2025. Read them carefully and discuss the challenges that this document poses for Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan. Some challenges might be common to all three, while others might be specific to each case. You should cite at least three different articles/book chapters in the syllabus.

"Our elites badly miscalculated America’s willingness to shoulder forever global burdens to which the American people saw no connection to the national interest. They overestimated America’s ability to fund, simultaneously, a massive welfare-regulatory-administrative state alongside a massive military, diplomatic, intelligence, and foreign aid complex. They placed hugely misguided and destructive bets on globalism and so-called “free trade” that hollowed out the very middle class and industrial base on which American economic and military preeminence depend. They allowed allies and partners to offload the cost of their defense onto the American people, and sometimes to suck us into conflicts and controversies central to their interests but peripheral or irrelevant to our own." (pp. 1-2)
"From military alliances to trade relations and beyond, the United States will insist on being treated fairly by other countries. We will no longer tolerate, and can no longer afford, free-riding, trade imbalances, predatory economic practices, and other impositions on our nation’s historic goodwill that disadvantage our interests. As we want our allies to be rich and capable, so must our allies see that it is in their interest that the United States also remain rich and capable. In particular, we expect our allies to spend far more of their national Gross Domestic Product (GDP) on their own defense, to start to make up for the enormous imbalances accrued over decades of much greater spending by the United States." (p. 10)
"The United States will prioritize rebalancing our trade relations, reducing trade deficits, opposing barriers to our exports, and ending dumping and other anti-competitive practices that hurt American industries and workers. We seek fair, reciprocal trade deals with nations that want to trade with us on a basis of mutual benefit and respect. But our priorities must and will be our own workers, our own industries, and our own national security." (p. 13)
"President Trump single-handedly reversed more than three decades of mistaken American assumptions about China: namely, that by opening our markets to China, encouraging American business to invest in China, and outsourcing our manufacturing to China, we would facilitate China’s entry into the so-called “rules-based international order.” This did not happen. China got rich and powerful, and used its wealth and power to its considerable advantage. American elites—over four successive administrations of both political parties—were either willing enablers of China’s strategy or in denial." (p. 19)
"A favorable conventional military balance remains an essential component of strategic competition. There is, rightly, much focus on Taiwan, partly because of Taiwan’s dominance of semiconductor production, but mostly because Taiwan provides direct access to the Second Island Chain and splits Northeast and Southeast Asia into two distinct theaters. Given that one-third of global shipping passes annually through the South China Sea, this has major implications for the U.S. economy. Hence deterring a conflict over Taiwan, ideally by preserving military overmatch, is a priority. We will also maintain our longstanding declaratory policy on Taiwan, meaning that the United States does not support any unilateral change to the status quo in the Taiwan Strait. We will build a military capable of denying aggression anywhere in the First Island Chain. But the American military cannot, and should not have to, do this alone. Our allies must step up and spend—and more importantly do—much more for collective defense." (pp. 23-24).